Issue of December 28, 2009
UNITED NATIONS WEEK
News and Views
12/28/09 TV Program Notes
John and Douglas Carey, Editors
J_PCarey@verizon.net
www.unweek.blogspot.com
In this issue: confusion after Copenhagen; what really happened there; the UNFCCC context.
On December 21st Robert Orr, UN Assistant Secretary-General for Policy Coordination and Strategic Planning in the Executive Office of the Secretary-General, urged journalists not to overlook the “immediate operational consequences” of the recently concluded Copenhagen climate talks, in the form of a widely backed political agreement that would allow the treaty process to begin in earnest.
The group of least developed countries, the Alliance of Small Island States, the African Union and the European Union had all announced their support at the final plenary meeting, he said, represent-ing no less than 140 countries. “If this document takes on the kind of support that was indicated in the final plenary, then you have a real centre of gravity for the treaty negotiations throughout 2010.”
In response to a question, Mr. Orr said it was unclear whether Sudan ‑‑ when it had registered its negative support for the text ‑‑ was speaking on behalf of the “Group of 77” developing countries and China, of which it was Chair, or if its representative was speaking purely in his national capacity. But he added: “If the ‘Group of 77’ were added, it would push the number up almost to the full membership.” He was evidently referring to the 194 membership of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Control – more on that later.
Mr. Orr said negotiations on the text had taken place among 29 Government representatives, plus a member of the European Commission, at the Danish President’s invitation. Notice that the final negotiations were not open to all UNFCCC member countries. That may have been considered unwieldy, or more so than 29 + the EC.
Several of those officials spoke on behalf of larger groups, and together they represented the entire United Nations membership, he said. But, Sudan ‑‑ though invited as a representative of the Group of 77 ‑‑ had declared afterwards that he was speaking in his national capacity.
Adding to the confusion, he continued, was the absence of a formal roll-call describing who supported the text and who did not. The chairperson may have felt that would risk a contentious outcome.
A more complete understanding of who supported the text “will only come in the coming days”, said Mr. Orr. But, he continued, “If you look at the statements in the final plenary, you’ll have a good sense of where the balance of support lies.”
He said the Conference had tabled the consensus agreement after the Secretary-General had intervened at the closing moments of the Conference, allaying the concerns of those States that had felt excluded from the process.
“Everyone has a right to be involved in the discussion. Certainly, as we move into the negotiation phase around a treaty, that will have to be clarified and the process improved,” said Mr. Orr, saying the Secretary-General had stressed that fact to Member States. So it is clear that Copen-hagen was not expected to produce a legally binding treaty.
He described the result as “phenomenal”, which he said might not be obvious given the divergent views emerging in the media, with many members of the press leaving before the agreement was struck. The “breakthrough” document agreed by States ‑‑ dubbed the Copenhagen Accord -- contained provisions on funding, and also spoke of an under-standing on reporting and verification of national policies that had not been seen in prior agreements. When he says “agreed,” that is different from “takes note of the Copenhagen Accord,” as the final document puts it.
He spoke of the major role played by the Secretary-General in rallying world leaders around the need to tackle climate change, and in urging them to own the climate issue. “It was phenomenal what we saw in Copenhagen -- 120 Heads of State and Government getting down into the real guts of the debate over climate change. This would not have been possible a year ago,” he said. Note the difference between 120 and 194, representing the 74 countries that did not get to join in the negotiations.
What actually happened there.
Here is some of the key language from the Copenhagen Accord: “We should cooperate in achieving the peaking of global and national emissions as soon as possible, recognizing that the time frame for peaking will be longer in developing countries and bearing in mind that social and economic development and poverty eradication are the first and overriding priorities of developing countries and that a low-emission development strategy is indispensable to sustainable development. * * *
“3. Adaptation to the adverse effects of climate change and the potential impacts of response measures is a challenge faced by all countries. * * * We agree that developed countries shall provide adequate, predictable and sustainable financial resources, technology and capacity-building to support the implementation of adaptation action in developing countries.
“4. Annex I Parties commit to implement individually or jointly the quantified economy-wide emissions targets for 2020, to be submitted in the format given in Appendix I by Annex I Parties to the secretariat by 31 January 2010 for compilation in an INF document. * * *
“5. * * * Least developed and small island developing States may undertake actions voluntarily and on the basis of support. * * * 6. We recognize the crucial role of reducing emission from deforestation and forest degradation and the need to enhance removals of greenhouse gas emission by forests and agree on the need to provide positive incentives to such actions through the immediate establishment of a mechanism including REDD-plus, to enable the mobilization of financial resources from developed countries.”
The UNFCCC context.
What was really taking place at Copenhagen cannot be understood without realizing that it was taking place in the context of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. When you see a references to “COP 15 Copenhagen,” you should know that this refers to a meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC.
The US ratified the UNFCCC in October 1992, when George H.W. Bush was President. Its stated objective was to achieve “stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. Such a level should be achieved within a time-frame sufficient to allow ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened and to enable economic development to proceed in a sustainable manner.”
There are two lists annexed to the UNFCCC, both of which include the US. Under a heading on commitments, “1. All Parties, taking into account their common but differentiated responsibilities and their specific national and regional development priorities, objectives and circumstances, shall: * * * (e) Cooperate in preparing for adaptation to the impacts of climate change; develop and elaborate appropriate methods, for example impact assessments, formulated and determined nationally, with a view to minimizing adverse effects on the economy, on public health and on the quality of the environment, of projects or measures undertaken by them to mitigate or adapt to climate change; . . .”
Also among specified commitments, “4. The developed country Parties and other developed Parties included in annex II shall also assist the developing country Parties that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change in meeting costs of adaptation to those adverse effects.”
Article 7 of the UNFCCC begins as follows: “1. A Conference of the Parties is hereby established. 2. The Conference of the Parties, as the supreme body of this Convention, shall keep under regular review the implementation of the Convention and any related legal instruments that the Conference of the Parties may adopt, and shall make, within its mandate, the decisions necessary to promote the effective implementation of the Convention.”
Further organizational features are found in Article 8, under which: “1. A secretariat is hereby established. * * * 3. The Conference of the Parties, at its first session, shall designate a permanent secretariat and make arrangements for its functioning.” Mechanisms are provided in Article 13 for dealing with implementation questions and in Article 14 for resolving disputes over interpretation or application of the Convention. Article 17 provides that: “1. The Conference of the Parties my, at any ordinary session, adopt protocols to the Convention.” One such is the Kyoto Protocol.
As a Presidential candidate, George W. Bush promised to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. Shortly after he took office in 2001, however, he withdrew U.S. support for the Kyoto Protocol, refusing to submit it to the Senate for approval of ratification. Instead, Bush proposed a plan with incentives for U.S. businesses to voluntarily reduce greenhouse gas emissions 4.5 percent by 2010, which he claimed would equal taking 70 million cars off the road. According to the U.S. Department of Energy, however, the Bush plan actually would result in a 30 percent increase in U.S. greenhouse gas emissions over 1990 levels instead of the 7 percent reduction the treaty requires. That’s because the Bush plan measured the reduction against current emissions instead of the 1990 benchmark used by the Kyoto Protocol.
While Bush’s decision dealt a serious blow to the possibility of U.S. participation in the Kyoto Protocol, he was not alone in his opposition. Prior to negotiation of the Kyoto Protocol, the U.S. Senate had passed a resolution saying the U.S. should not sign any protocol that failed to include binding targets and timetables for both developing and industrialized nations or that "would result in serious harm to the economy of the United States.”
That is all for this December 28th issue of United Nations Week: News and Views. We’ll be back with the next issue. Meantime, do send your own views to www.unweek.blogspot.com. Good-bye for now, and thanks for watching.
